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Name: The life and struggle of general “Taras Chuprynka” (1907 – 1950). Documents and Materials
Volume: 10
Editorial board: Ya. Dashkevych
V. Lozytsky
S. Bohunov
R. Pyrih
P.J. Potichnyj
P. Sokhan'
L. Futala
Iu. Shapoval
H. Boryak
Sponsors: Credit Union 'Buduchnist'
Publication Year: 2007
ISBN (Canada): 978-966-2105-03-2
ISBN (Ukraine): 978-1-897431-02-3
Pages Count: 833

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The pages of the modern history of Ukraine, a period of heroic and dramatic events connected with the Ukrainian people’s attainment of national and state independence, are forever inscribed with the names of Ukraine’s many famous sons and daughters who took an active part in the national liberation struggle. Among these names a place of honor is reserved for Roman Iosyfovych Shukhevych (1907-1950) whose life and endeavors serve as both a shining example for every nationally conscious patriot of Ukraine and a grand example of the virtue of civic duty.

Shukhevych’s path to his high-ranking positions in the Ukrainian liberation movement from the 1930s to 1950 was not paved with roses. This was a period of difficult and constant tests of his character and will, during which his moral and professional qualities were honed and his political and personal stances as a Ukrainian statesman were formed.

Like many of his fellow thinkers, Roman Shukhevych deliberately chose the path of a national revolutionary and regarded his activity in the ranks of the Ukrainian liberation movement as the main purpose of his life. During the 1936 trial in L’viv of the leaders of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), he thus replied to a question from his lawyer, who asked him what had spurred him to join the OUN: «It was a command of my heart.»[1] In 1937, when he was imprisoned in a L’viv jail, he gave an even more moving reply to his wife Nataliia Berezyns’ka-Shukhevych, who pleaded with him to abandon his political activity for the sake of his family: «I cannot do anything because I love the idea more than you or my son.»[2]

Shukhevych devoted twenty-five years of his life to the Ukrainian liberation movement, advancing from the ranks of a fighter in the Ukrainian Military Organization (UVO) and underground member of the OUN to the chairman of the General Secretariat of the Ukrainian Supreme Liberation Council (UHVR), head of the OUN Leadership, and Supreme Commander of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). During this entire period he was under the keen scrutiny of the Polish police, the special services of the Third Reich, and the punitive organs of the Soviet totalitarian regime, and experienced the full gamut of the terrible and tragic consequences for his family, which stemmed from his activity.

The foreign political and internal Ukrainian circumstances of the liberation movement conducted by the OUN and UPA in the 1940s and 1950s demanded responsible decision making from Shukhevych and necessitated certain steps that may not always have won approval from all his comrades-in-arms. In our opinion, some of these decisions were difficult even for Shukhevych himself, as they frequently affected the destinies of many thousands of people. To this day there are diverse views in Ukrainian society of the events in which the Supreme Commander of the UPA occupied center stage.

Those events were not everyday, ordinary, or easily predicted. The Ukrainian liberation movementófrom the founding in 1920 of the Ukrainian Military Organization, which at its outset numbered a few dozen or hundred members, to the creation in 1943-44 of the thousands-strong Ukrainian Insurgent Armyówas an extraordinary phenomenon. The prolonged armed struggle of the Ukrainian insurgents and underground members in 1944-56 against the military power that the Soviet Union became after the Second World War knows few parallels in modern European history.

It should be emphasized that to the enemy’s impressive numerical and technological superiority the Ukrainian liberation movement was able to counterpose only the courage and valour of its participants, their high level of sacrificial devotion, as well as the selfless support of the absolute majority of the Ukrainian population of Ukraine’s western regions, which was profoundly aware of the importance of the national ideal.

The incomparably high moral spirit of the Ukrainian insurgents and underground members, who were led by Shukhevych, was the steadfast foundation of the liberation struggle in the 1940s and 1950s in Ukraine. The roots of this phenomenon lie in the particular features of Ukrainian public life in Eastern Halychyna (Galicia) in the early part of the twentieth century and the Ukrainian people’s tradition of family upbringing, which was built on a profound respect for national customs and Christian values.

Numerous Ukrainian civic organizations as well as the many cultural, educational, and sports associations of Eastern Halychyna, which had hundreds of thousands of members, not only achieved a high level of national awareness among the masses, but also created a solid base of support for the future struggle for Ukraine’s state independence. Along with the physical endurance exercises that were taught in the various «Sich» and «Sokil» organizations, their members were also instructed in basic military training.

Thus, it is no accident that on the eve of the First World War, specifically in June 1914, the Department of Police of imperial Russia’s Ministry of Internal Affairs repeatedly directed the attention of its various structures in Ukraine to the rapid proliferation in Halychyna of «Ukrainian military organizations» that constitute a «rather significant military force with all the hallmarks of a welldisciplined military organization.» Furthermore, the Department of Police believed that the military influence of these organizations was also spreading to the Russian part of Ukraine, where it had its followers in Podillia as well as in Kyiv.[3]

Honoring national traditions and Christian values was also germane to the Shukhevych family, which was one of several distinguished families of Ukrainian priests in Eastern Halychyna. Rev. Iosyp Shukhevych (1815-1870), an ancestor of the future Supreme Commander of the UPA, was a theologian, who translated the works of well-known writers of antiquity and Western Europe into the Ukrainian language. His son Volodymyr (1850-1915) became a professor of philology, who taught German and Ukrainian in the 1st L’viv High School. He was also the author of a groundbreaking ethnographic study of the Hutsul region of Ukraine.

The eldest son of V. Shukhevych was Iosyp (1880-1948), who obtained a law degree from L’viv University and held various court positions in Austro-Hungary and Poland. Iosyp, a highly educated and musically gifted individual, married Ievheniia Stots’ka, the daughter of a priest from the village of Ohliadiv in Radekhiv County. The couple had a son named Roman, who was born on 30 June 1907. In keeping with tradition, the child, also received the name Taras at his baptism. The young family was living in L’viv, in an apartment of a building located at 7 Sobierszczyzna Street (today: 2 vul. Dovbusha), which was owned by Prof. Volodymyr Shukhevych and his wife Hermina.

Shortly after the birth of their son, the Shukhevyches returned to Krakivets’, where Iosyp worked at the county court. In 1914 the family moved to Kam’ianka-Strumylova, where Roman’s father was appointed judge. After completing primary school in this city, Roman moved to L’viv to live with his grandmother Hermina and began studying at a branch of the State Academic Gymnasium.

After settling in L’viv, the young Shukhevych witnessed the events connected with the founding of the Western Ukrainian National Republic (ZUNR) on 1 November 1918 and the heroic struggle of the Ukrainian Galician Army (UHA) against the Polish invasion of the Ukrainian lands. At this time his father held the post of county political commissar of the ZUNR in Kam’ianka Strumylova, and his uncle Stepan Shukhevych joined the ranks of the UHA.

The tragedy of the Western Ukrainian National Republic and the sad fate of the soldiers of the Ukrainian Galician Army, whose military path ended in Czechoslovak internment camps, could not have gone unremarked by the young Shukhevych. In the early 1920s his grandmother’s apartment was also home to Stepan Shakh, a former officer of the UHA, and Colonel Ievhen Konovalets’, the leader of the newly founded Ukrainian Military Organization. Other soldiers from the UHA and the Ukrainian Sich Sharpshooters also visited the apartment. As Shakh recalled, «Romko Shukhevych greatly valued our company and sought it out. Colonel Ievhen Konovalets’ often invited him to his room and talked with him.»[4]

Naturally, his association with people who had taken part in the Ukrainian liberation struggles of 1917-20 had a formative impact on the consciousness of the young high school student and planted the seeds of his acute desire to continue the struggle that they had begun for Ukraine’s national and state independence. Most likely, this desire became strengthened and defined in 1922, when Eastern Halychyna witnessed the UVO’s combat actions against the Polish government.

Plast, the Ukrainian scouting organization, became the school where Roman Shukhevych and his future comrades-in-arms and fellow thinkers strengthened their physical qualities. He joined Plast in November 1920 and by 1922 was the organizer of a Plast troop called «Iasnyi Tryzub» (Bright Trident). The following description of the teenaged Shukhevych is cited in one of his Plast membership cards: «The best in the troop, ambitious, valiant, and energetic.» Such character traits are usually germane to leaders.

The young Shukhevych was a multisided personality. He was an excellent student at the gymnasium, and his annual report cards for the years 1921-24 contain mostly top marks in the basic subjects («very good»). He received a mark of «good» in religion, Polish, and Ancient Greek and a mark of «satisfactory» in the German language only in the 1923-24 school year. He also excelled in music and singing, and in the early 1930s he enrolled for a piano course as an external student at the M. V. Lysenko Music Institute.

Shukhevych devoted a lot of attention to sports. He excelled in basketball, volleyball, and soccer, and also played a number of other sports: track and field, swimming, skiing, and gliding. During the Zaporozhian Games held in L’viv in 1923 he set a record for the 400-meter hurdles and the 100-meter swim.[5]

After graduating from the State Academic Gymnasium, in the fall of 1925 Shukhevych began auditing courses in construction engineering at the L’viv Polytechnic. That same year he joined the Ukrainian Military Organization, thus forever linking his destiny with the Ukrainian liberation movement. This was no romantic impulse of a dreamy youth but the conscious step of a young patriot. In an organic fashion he combined his work in the secret organization with his studies, participated in sports competitions and Plast activities, and devoted much attention to learning the basics of military science.

The burgeoning of sociopolitical and economic life in Eastern Halychyna in the mid-1920s helped to lay the groundwork for the rise of anti-Polish moods among the Ukrainian population. As Volodymyr Ianiv, a key OUN activist, recalled, «With increasing frequency the Polish language dimmed the joy of our youthful days, and the Polish teacher would arrive in Ukrainian schools like a spy and denationalizer... And finally they told us in school to celebrate Polish national holidays, pray for the successes of the occupier, for hostile imperialism, [and] for the Polish soldiers who had taken our liberty away. For sensitive young souls there could be no greater insult than this mockery of our feelings. So rebellion was brewing. While still in school, young people began flocking to the UVO...»[6]

On 2 May 1924 Lev Hankevych, the well-known L’viv attorney, wrote the following to his colleague, Prof. Volodymyr Starosol’s’kyi, in Prague: «Political life is completely demolished... Economic life is in utter ruins, financial institutions are up in the air... Insane bankruptcies are starting among merchants and in the banking world... The last taxes have strangled the peasantry. The peasantry doesn’t have money. Merchants who are being crushed by taxes are liquidating their businesses. A while ago officials may have been paid; now they are suffering poverty once again...»[7]

An important event took place in Shukhevych’s life on 19 October 1926. That day, on orders from the krai (regional) command of the UVO in the Western Ukrainian Lands (ZUZ), «Shukh» (Shukhevych’s first known codename), together with his friend Bohdan Pidhainyi, assassinated the Polish school superintendent of L’viv, S. Sobinski. The order for a young member of the organization to carry out the assassination was not typical of the UVO, whose members mostly consisted of former Ukrainian soldiers. But, as Pidhainyi later noted, an appeal for volunteers was issued and «Roman was one of the first to respond to the call.»[8]

Naturally, Shukhevych was greatly distressed by the events that unfolded in the wake of Sobinski’s assassination, as the Polish court handed down a death sentence to two other UVO members, Vasyl’ Atamanchuk and Ivan Verbyts’kyi, who were charged in the Polish official’s murder. Both of the defendants were ready to admit to their involvement in this terrorist act, but the Krai Command of the UVO forbade them to take such a step.

Pidhainyi wrote that «the assassination of superintendent Sobinski was the ultimate test for Roman.»[9] In our opinion, Shukhevych’s involvement in the assassination had a decisive influence on his becoming an active participant of the Ukrainian liberation movement. From this point his life was balanced on a knife’s edge between life and death.

In 1928 Shukhevych was called up into the Polish army. Since he was a student, he was first seconded to an artillery unit in Volodymyr-Volyns’kyi and later, to a non-commissioned officers’ school, a so-called podchorążówka (military college), which he completed successfully. But following a denunciation to the police about Shukhevych’s membership in a secret Ukrainian organization, he was stripped of the right to one-year army service and was dispatched as an ordinary soldier to a gunnery unit.

After completing his military service, Shukhevych left for Danzig, where he not only continued his studies at a local Polytechnic, but also took part in military training organized by the UVO, which had an organizational station in the city.

When the OUN was created in 1929, one of its combat sections was the UVO. In the Krai Executive of the OUN in the Western Ukrainian Lands, which was formed in 1930, a Military Section launched its activity together with a Combat Section; and Shukhevych became a member of the latter. Shortly afterwards, he was appointed to head the Combat Section and acquired the codename «Dzvin.»

In 1931-34 «Dzvin» was deeply involved in organizing and carrying out several OUN combat operations that resonated widely with the public, both in Polish circles and the Ukrainian population. As a result of these operations, the Polish government clearly realized that a new political organization with a radical bent had emerged in the Western Ukrainian lands, which had adopted a course aimed at preparing a general Ukrainian armed action. In an article entitled «The Cult of Strength and Violence» (Ukrains’kyi natsionalist, no. 5, January 1934), the OUN openly stated that only «the paths of armed national revolution inextricably bound with violence will lead the Ukrainian people to [their] political goal.»[10]

The OUN’s terrorist operation that generated the most resonance was the 15 June 1934 assassination of the well-known Ukrainophobe, General Bronislaw Pieracki, Poland’s Minister of Internal Affairs, by an OUN fighter named Hryhorii Matseiko. On 18 June 1934 «Dzvin,» who was one of the organizers and masterminds of the assassination, was arrested by the Polish police and despite sufficient proof was sent to the Bereza Kartuz’ka concentration camp. On 19 January 1935 Shukhevych was transferred to L’viv for interrogation.[11]

During the OUN trial in Warsaw (18 November 1935-13 January 1936) Shukhevych was called as a witness. But «Dzvin» refused to testify in Polish and was fined 22 zloty. From his statements given during the investigation and read out in court it is clear that he denied being a member of the OUN’s Krai Executive and any involvement in organizing Pieracki’s assassination.[12]

Although the group of key members of the OUN and ZUZ, headed by Stepan Bandera, was found guilty of the murder of the Polish interior minister, the Polish government did not stop at this trial. It decided to hold a separate trial in L’viv of the leading figures of the OUN krai, charging the entire organization with engaging in terrorist activity and subverting the legal order in the Western Ukrainian lands, thereby creating distrust toward the OUN among moderate Ukrainians.

During the L’viv trial (25 May-26 June 1936) twenty-three defendants were accused of membership in the OUN and involvement in its terrorist activities. The first name mentioned in the indictment was Roman Shukhevych: «29 years old, a graduate in technology from L’viv.» Together with Roman Myhal’, Ievhen Kachmars’kyi, Ivan Iarosh, Roman Sen’kiv, Kateryna Zaryts’ka, Ivan Maliutsa, Semen Rachun, and Vira Svientsits’ka, he was charged with conspiracy and abetting or issuing the orders to kill the student, Iakiv Bachyns’kyi; the director of the Ukrainian Academic Gymnasium, Ivan Babii; the secretary of the General Consulate of the USSR in L’viv, Aleksei Mailov; prison commissioner W. Kosobudzki; and Henryk Jyzefski, the voivode of Volyn, as well as planting a bomb in a printing house owned by an individual named Ias’kiv.[13]

During questioning, «Dzvin» admitted that he was a member of the UVO and the OUN (some witnesses had testified to this effect), but he emphasized that he was linked to those organizations «only through the nationalist world outlook.» He denied being a member of the OUN’s Krai Executive, as well as his involvement in organizing the attempts to assassinate Kosobudzki and Mailov.

«Dzvin’s» conduct during the trial and his lawyer’s skilful maneuverings (his uncle S. Shukhevych) helped him evade severe punishment. According to the jury’s verdict, he was indicted only on charges of belonging to the OUN; charges were dropped in connection with inciting Mykola Lemyk to kill Mailov. The Polish court sentenced Shukhevych to four years’ imprisonment, but according to the terms of an amnesty, his sentence was reduced to two years.[14]

Between the time Shukhevych joined the OUN (1929) and the OUN trial in L’viv (1936) many important events took place in his personal life. He graduated from the L’viv Polytechnic with a specialist’s diploma, married Nataliia Berezyns’ka in 1930, and their son Iurii was born in 1933. However, his revolutionary vocation did not allow him to fully experience the joys of family life.

After Shukhevych was released from prison on 27 January 1937 he and his family settled down in L’viv. In order to legalize his life and obtain additional funds for the OUN, in March 1937 «Dzvin» and his old friend Bohdan Chaikivs’kyi founded the FAMA advertising firm. With branches in Stanyslaviv, Ternopil’, and other cities of Eastern Halychyna it soon expanded to Warsaw and Cracow, and later to Germany and Hungary. Chaikivs’kyi recalls that among the associates of the firm were clandestine members of the OUN. FAMA became a successful business enterprise in which Shukhevych played a key role. However, the events that were transpiring in Transcarpathia in 1938óthe creation of the autonomous state of Carpatho-Ukraine within the federated Second Republic of Czecho-Slovakiaóforced him to leave the business and devote himself fully to political activity. By Latin Christmas 1938 «Borys Shchuka» (Shukhevych’s new codename) was in Carpatho-Ukraine.[15]

However, even before events began unfolding in Transcarpathia, when Ievhen Konovalets’ was still alive, plans were being discussed in 1938 to appoint Shukhevych as the krai leader of the OUN ZUZ, in place of Lev Rebet. But as Myron Hanushevs’kyi later recalled, «Shukh» refused the offer, proposing Myroslav Turash («V. Hrabovs’kyi») for this post. We are convinced that one of the reasons why Shukhevych declined the proposal was his desire to do military training in Germany. It is believed that in 1938 he completed special courses in a Bavarian military academy,[16] although other locations of this training have been suggested.

The creation of the autonomous Carpatho-Ukrainian state in 1938 became the focus of attention of all Ukrainian independentist forces both in the emigration and in Western Ukraine. People were deeply convinced that the process of restoring Ukrainian statehood would begin in this region.

Members of the OUN were the most active in the affairs of Carpatho-Ukraine. Although the OUN Leadership headed by Andrii Mel’nyk maintained a cautious attitude toward Transcarpathia, not wishing to have complications with Germany and Hungary, the members of the Krai Executive of the OUN and the ZUZ considered it their duty to revolutionize the processes in Carpatho-Ukraine and turn it into a Ukrainian Piedmont.

The paramilitary organization, Carpathian Sich, immediately attracted the attention of such krai nationalists as Mykhailo Kolodzins’kyi, Zenon Kossak, Roman Shukhevych, and others. Participation in its activity was supposed to provide OUN members with basic military experience. Shukhevych, who was now a member of the Sich headquarters with the rank of First Lieutenant, was responsible for filling the raion commands of the Sich and organizing financial assistance and liaison with the emigration.

On 15 March 1939, when Hungarian troops began occupying Carpatho-Ukraine, First Lieutenant «Shchuka» took part in battles between the heavily outnumbered Sich fighters and the Hungarians, and after their tragic conclusion crossed into Austria. There he submitted a report to members of the OUN Leadership about the events in Transcarpathia and received an assignment to establish a link with Western Ukraine through Danzig.[17]

It is difficult to say what kind of impression the tragic events in Transcarpathia made on Shukhevych, but, in our estimation, he understood that Ukrainians had not acted as a focused national front in that territory and that this was one of the reasons for the fall of Carpatho-Ukraine.

The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, the utter defeat of Poland, and annexation in September 1939 of the Western Ukrainian lands to Soviet Ukraine took the OUN by surprise. Territorial nationalist organizations found themselves in a difficult situation, forced into a deadly dual with the NKVD, while some of their leading members were compelled to cross over into German-ruled territory. Their base became Cracow, where Shukhevych moved with his family. At this time he was carrying out the duties of responsible leader for liaison between the OUN Leadership and the leading nationalist activists of Western Ukraine. This was one of the most important branches of work (because the shift of the German-Soviet border was connected with significant risk), and the fact that First Lieutenant «Shchuka» held this position attests to his authority among the members of the OUN Leadership.

In late 1939 Shukhevych’s wife and son Iurii joined him in Cracow, where their daughter Maria was born in 1940.

The new political situation that had emerged in connection with the advent of the Stalinist totalitarian regime in the Western Ukrainian lands demanded a reformulation of the OUN’s strategy and tactics. During the German-Soviet war, while the older generation in the OUN Leadership was naively waiting for a positive resolution of the Ukrainian question from the Nazis, the krai nationalists led by Bandera, believed that they had to fight for independence and statehood. Thus, they were opposed to the OUN’s passive tactics in Ukraine’s western oblasts and spoke out in favour of active nationalist operations against the Soviet government.

As Bandera later wrote in his autobiographical sketch, during the January 1940 negotiations with Mel’nyk in Rome the latter «rejected our demand that the planning of the revolutionary-liberation, anti-Bolshevik struggle should not be linked with Germany and not made dependent on German military figures.» In addition, the Leadership of the Ukrainian Nationalists (PUN) refused to expand the leadership with new members from among the leading krai nationalists. Mel’nyk refused to remove Iaroslav Baranovs’kyi and Omelian Senyk-Hrybivs’kyi, who were suspected of having links with the Polish police, from the staff of PUN.[18]

During a meeting in Cracow on 10 February 1940 Bandera and his associates created the Revolutionary Leadership of the OUN (OUN[R]), declaring in its very name a trend toward decisive and uncompromising actions. Shukhevych became a member of the leadership and was appointed krai leader of the OUN(B) in the westernmost Ukrainian lands (Pidliashshia, and the Kholm, Nadsiannia, and Lemko regions) that had been annexed to Germany from Poland. Shukhevych also became a member of the OUN’s Military Headquarters and was one of the heads of military training for leading nationalist activists.

As Vasyl’ Kuk later wrote, during the split in the OUN Shukhevych «did not take an active part in the political-organizational quarrels,» even though he joined Bandera.[19] According to Dariia Rebet, during the Second Extraordinary Congress of the OUN in Cracow (April 1941), «Shukh» «officially submitted an objection to the methods and ways with which the head of the revolutionary Leadership [i.e., Bandera] had resolved the conflict with PUN.»[20]

The inclusion of Roman Shukhevych in the Revolutionary Leadership of the OUN was completely logical inasmuch as this was a group of his fellow thinkers from the Krai Executive of the OUN ZUZ, who had gone through Polish courts, prisons, and concentration camps, and had the same unbending spirit in the struggle to attain the national ideal.

Like Bandera, Shukhevych realized that it was futile to expect that the Germans would resolve the Ukrainian question along the lines to which the OUN aspired. As M. Hanushevs’kyi later recalled, during a conversation that took place in Cracow in 1940, Shukhevych said: «I don’t believe in their good will to recognize Ukraine as an independent state. They need us now and are using us because they still don’t know how the war will go for them in the East, but if Hitler thinks he can outwit us he is mistaken, because we have our own plans.»[21]

The approaching German-Soviet war forced the Leadership of the OUN(B) to define its position on this question and formulate an action program. During the Second Extraordinary Congress of the OUN in Cracow, the Leadership of the OUN(B) adopted programmatic, political, and military resolutions; training and propaganda guidelines, and the Order of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. In the adopted documents the OUN declared that its principal task is the struggle «for a sovereign United Ukrainian State, for the rule of the Ukrainian people in the Ukrainian land.» The military resolutions passed by the Extraordinary Assembly emphasized that the OUN «is organizing and training a military force» in order to achieve its goals.[22]

In May 1941 the Leadership of the OUN(B) drew up a list of guidelines entitled «The Struggle and Activity of the OUN during the War.» This document noted that the OUN would «exploit [the war between Moscow and other states] as a convenient moment for the full launch of the revolutionary liberation struggle for an Independent United Ukrainian State» and that the «marching German armies» would be welcomed as «allied armies.»[23]

The OUN’s military activity on the eve of the German-Soviet war had two main directions: building its own combat units within the clandestine structures of the OUN in the Western Ukrainian lands and creating Ukrainian military subunits within the German armed forces. By 25 February 1941 Wilhelm Canaris, the head of the German Intelligence Service of the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht-OKW (Armed Forces High Command) had given the go-ahead for the creation of a Ukrainian legion, which in OUN documents is called Druzhyny ukrains’kykh natsionalistiv-DUN (Legion of Ukrainian Nationalists). According to plans, the formation was to number between 700 and 800 people.[24]


[1] Stepan Shukhevych, «Moie zhyttia» (Uryvky iz spomyniv pro Romana Shukhevycha), Heneral Roman Shukhevych-»Taras Chuprynka.» Holovnyi Komandyr UPA, vol. 45 of Litopys Ukrains’koi Povstans’koi Armii (Toronto-L’viv: Litopys UPA, 2007), p. 54.
[2] Protokol dopytu NKDB Shukhevych-Berezyns’koi Natalii Romanivny, 20 lypnia 1945. Haluzevyi Derzhavnyi Arkhiv Sluzhby Bezpeky Ukrainy (HDA SBU, L’viv), file P-3304, fols. 16-41.
[3] Anatolii Kentii, Vid Ukrains’koi Viis’kovoi Orhanizatsii do Orhanizatsii Ukrains’kykh Natsionalistiv. 1920-1942, vol. 1 of Zbroinyi chyn Ukrains’kykh Natsionalistiv 1920-1956. Istoryko-arkhivni narysy (Kyiv, 2005), p. 25.
[4] Stepan Shakh, «Roman Shukhevych - symvol nezlamnosti (Spomyn),» in Heneral Roman Shukhevych-»Taras Chuprynka,» vol. 45 of Litopys Ukrains’koi Povstans’koi Armii, p. 54.
[5] Mykola Posivnych, «Roman Shukhevych (30.VI.1907-5.III.1950)» in Heneral Roman Shukhevych-»Taras Chuprynka,» vol. 45 of Litopys Ukrains’koi Povstans’koi Armii, p. 9.
[6] Volodymyr Ianiv [Janiv], «Shukhevych-Chuprynka: Liudyna i symvol,» speech delivered at a solemn commemorative meeting in Munich on 19 November 1950, p. 6.
[7] Lev Hankevych to Volodymyr Starosol’s’kyi, 2 May 1924, Central State Archive of Civic Organizations of Ukraine, hereafter TsDAHO Ukrainy, fond 269, list 2, file 251, fols. 24-24 verso.
[8] Bohdan Pidhainyi, «Spohady pro iuni lita Romana Shukhevycha,» in vol. 45 of Litopys Ukrains’koi Povstans’koi Armii, p. 112. 9 Ibid.
[10] Kentii, p. 105.
[11] Posivnych,, p. 12.
[12] Zynovii Knysh, Varshavs’kyi protses OUN. Na pidlozhzhi pol’s’koukrains’kykh vidnosyn tiiei doby, vol. 1 (Toronto: n.p., 1986), p. 340.
[13] Ibid., pp. 131-33, 267-69.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Bohdan Chaikivs’kyi, «FAMA.» Reklamna firma Romana Shukhevycha (L’viv: Tsentr doslidzhen’ vyzvol’noho rukhu, 2005), pp. 34-67.
[16] Myron Hanushevs’kyi, «Roman Shukhevych u moikh spomynakh,» in vol. 45 of Litopys Ukrains’koi Povstans’koi Armii, p. 79
[17] Posivnych, pp. 13-14.
[18] Stepan Bandera, «Moi zhyttiepysni dani,» in Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi Bandery pered sudom, ed. Danylo Chaikivs’kyi (Munich: Ukrains’ke vydavnytstvo, 1965), pp. 439-45.
[19] Vasyl’ Kuk, «Holovnyi Komandyr UPA heneral-khorunzhyi Roman Shukhevych,» in vol. 45 of Litopys Ukrains’koi Povstans’koi Armii, p. 470.
[20] Dariia Rebet, «Do pochatkiv UHVR (Spohady, komentari, refleksii), Ukrains’ka Holovna Vyzvol’na Rada. Dokumenty, ofitsiini publikatsii, materialy. Knyha chetverta: dokumenty i spohady, vol. 26 of Litopys Ukrains’koi Povstans’koi Armii (Toronto-L’viv: Litopys UPA, 2001), p. 75.
[21] Hanushevs’kyi, p. 81.
[22] Postanovy II Velykoho Zboru Orhanizatsii Ukrains’kykh Natsionalistiv. 1941. TsDAHO Ukrainy, fond 1, list 23, file 926, fols. 182-207.
[23] Napriamni OUN «Borot’ba i diial’nist’ OUN pid chas viiny». May 1941; Ivan K Patryliak, Viis’kova diial’nist’ OUN(B) u 1940-1942 rokakh (Kyiv: Instytut istorii Ukrainy, NAN Ukrainy, 2004), pp. 426-35.
[24] Patryliak, pp. 275-76.

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